In 2000, while working at the World Bank, I heard that Dr Kizza Besigye would contest for the national presidency in 2001, and I affirmed that he would be my candidate.
Earlier on in 1996,
while still working at the Ministry of Finance, I had met Dr. Besigye as we
investigated tax fraud in an organisation called Danze.
This organisation was
run by high-profile people in government and business moguls. Goods imported by
this company would be registered as ‘goods on transit’ yet they were being sold
here in Uganda.
The government officials
would falsify stamps from exit points like Koboko and Mutukula, claiming the
goods had left the country.
When we did the investigation, the Government of Uganda had been defrauded of
152 billion shillings. During this investigation, we even met President
Museveni, since we had received information that some of the players were
soldiers.
Nandala and Besigye at a public function |
It was only later that
we learnt of the President’s involvement in the whole scam, and that Danze had
been formed to mobilise money for his 1996 presidential election!
Why support Dr Besigye?
As indicated, during
this investigation, I met Dr Besigye who was supposed to give us information
about Danze.
Instead, he not only
offered us key information about Danze but availed us details of theft in
Coffee Marketing Board (CMB).
That time, coffee would
disappear from Kampala to Mombasa or in the sea. Interestingly, the trucks, the
drivers and the ships would never disappear!
It was Dr Besigye who
told us that disappearance of coffee was a Museveni venture meant to cheat the
taxpayer. After declarations of disappearance of coffee, the government would
pick money from the Treasury to pay farmers.
By then, their methods were not as advanced as today’s, where
the Governor BOU is simply ordered to release money.
When Dr Besigye
disclosed this information, it dawned on me that there were still some honest
people in this country.
A senior official of CMB
involved in that scam is currently chairing the board of a bank which was also
bought from government at zero price.
You may also recollect
that in 1999 Dr Besigye had penned an article, criticising the NRM for veering
off the course they had set out to achieve in the Bush War—and for his honesty,
he had been threatened with a Court Martial.
So when in 2001 Dr
Besigye declared that he was going to run against Mr Museveni, I couldn’t
hesitate to support him.
Together with Mr Garuga
Musinguzi and others, we mobilized resources to run that campaign. At the end
of the race, we “lost”.
Nandala Mafabi, Secretary General of FDC with Col Dr Kizza Besigye |
Not because we had
genuinely lost but because of the combination of factors. Dr Besigye’s
candidature frightened Mr Museveni so much that he unleashed all manner of
brutality against his opponent.
In western Uganda, voter
turn up was 120%.
As the courts later
ruled, that particular election was a pack of irregularities. My hope in that
election was that Dr Besigye should have won so that I would serve as a civil
servant in his regime.
But his loss and the
glaring electoral irregularities propelled me into elective politics, if not
for anything, at least to make a humble contribution in changing the way our
country was being run.
I decided to run for the
Budadiri West parliamentary seat, in a race where my opponent mocked me for
being “too light”.
He chided me, saying nobody
would waste a vote on a person who can’t stand on and break a dry banana
leaf! However, at the end of the campaign, I emerged winner.
When I joined Parliament
in 2001, I was the only new MP tasked to chair a committee. I was voted
Chairperson of National Economy Committee.
It was during this
tenure that I discovered how government was using the common person to get
loans which would never reach the intended beneficiaries.
This is how, together
with the team, we changed the rules, demanding that no loan would be procured
unless the intended beneficiaries were aware.
The committee I chaired
rejected 11 loan requests we thought were simply going to burden the tax payer.
Of course the State never liked this.
Another significant and
yet low development in this time was the lifting of presidential term limits in
2005.
Before our colleagues in
the NRM did the dishonourable act of amending the Constitution to offer
Museveni a life presidency shot, I was approached by State operatives with an
offer of Shs 2 billion shillings and a ministerial slot if I could back the
“third term” project.
I told them my
conscience had no price and I later learnt, this angered the powers that be
very much.
It was also in this
period that I moved a motion in Parliament against selling Uganda Commercial
Bank, arguing that this was a people’s bank. It was a hot debate, but while we
lost, we are sure history will one day bail us out.
During this time, Reform
Agenda merged with the Parliamentary Advocacy Forum (PAFO) to form Forum for Democratic
Change (FDC).
Our courtship with state
violence had begun. For example while in Jinja, popularising PAFO, the
government mobilised thugs to attack us. They hit my jaw so badly that I had to
undergo serious medical treatment.
In December 2004, FDC
was registered and we hit the campaign trail the following year. However, it
was a difficult campaign.
Our chief mobiliser, Dr
Kizza Besigye, had been arrested on trumped-up charges and he was behind bars.
During the nominations, some people were of the view that two sets of
signatures be sought so that if Dr. Besigye was denied registration, we would
front another candidate.
I was one of the people
who objected to this arrangement, because in it, I saw a ploy to condemn our
leader to eternal jail.
Our view was that if the
worst came to the worst, we would rather not participate in that election than
leave Dr Besigye languish in jail eternally.
On realizing that we
were unlikely to front another candidate, the Electoral Commission accepted to
register Dr. Besigye while in jail.
In in its typical
confusion, the government through the Attorney General had indicated that Dr
Besigye could not be nominated whereas his junior gave a contrary view—which
thankfully was upheld.
More hurdles, however,
awaited us. Our chief mobiliser was in jail, or even when he was freed, spent
most of his time in court.
Our campaign suffered a shortage of funds.
We were on the verge of
humiliation. To salvage the situation, I decided to mortgage my petrol station
for 700 million shillings which we used to run the campaign as we sought other
support elsewhere.
Unlike in 2001, the
presidential and parliamentary elections in 2006 were conducted concurrently.
Little did I know that as I sought to defend my Budadiri West seat, my actions
and decisions in the National Economy committee had hurt President Museveni so much
that among others, he had blacklisted me against returning to Parliament.
Others on that list were
Hon. Augustine Ruzindana, Maj. (Rtd) John Kazoora, Hon. Jack Sabiiti, Hon.
Salaam Musumba among others.
A lot of pressure was
exerted on me and fearing that I was going to be killed, both my parents
developed low blood pressure and died.
My father died on Jan
19th 2006, and a month later on 14th Feb 2006, my mother also died. Nine days
after my mother had died, the people of Budadiri massively voted me back to
Parliament.
I got over 40,000 votes
as my closet challenger got 4,000 votes.
In the 8th Parliament,
the party gave me an opportunity to serve as Chairperson of Parliamentary
Accounts Committee (PAC).
When I assumed
leadership of PAC, there was a backlog of uncleared work dating to 2000 but by
the end of my tenure, we had cleared that backlog and attended to our own work.
As you know, it was at
this time that the anti-corruption fight took a national character as we took
many heavyweights to task over stolen money—including causing the imprisonment
of a Vice President.
We are proud that we
made Ugandans aware of how wide corruption had eaten not just the centre of
this government, including its top-most echelons, but also all other units. It
is now our duty to ensure we get rid of all these wrong elements.
I am glad that the
anti-corruption stance we took in the 8th Parliament is now being fanned by
many of my colleagues.
The struggle to root
this vice from our midst is critical. We must all do what is within our means
to ensure we have a country where public funds are respected and used for the
purpose they should.
The author is MP for Bidadiri West and Secretary General for
FDC. Part Two will run tomorrow, Sunday, June 24
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